Introduction
Early marriage is any marriage that takes place before the age of 18, when the girl is not physically or psychologically ready for marriage and childbearing (UNICEF, 2018). Early marriage is widespread in all parts of the world, but statistics show that its rate is lower in Europe, North America, and West Asia (Yann Le Strat, et al., 2011) and higher in South Asia, Africa, and Latin America; with about 31 million marriages under the age of 18 occurring in South Asia, 14 million in Sub-Saharan Africa, and about 6.6 million in Latin America (Nour, 2009). According to a UNICEF report (2020), about 17 percent of marriages in Iran were related to the marriage of girls under the age of 18. Also, in rural areas of Iran, child marriage between the ages of 15 and 19 has increased from 20.87 percent to 27.32 percent and has been on the rise (Azimi, 2020). One of the provinces where a significant amount of early marriages are prevalent, but accurate and official statistics are not available to provide a clear picture of this situation, is Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province. Evidence indicates that this type of marriage is very common in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari province, and especially in the villages of the central part of Farsan county, which is accompanied by harms such as dissatisfaction with married life, low quality of life, failure to attend school, early childbirth, physical and mental illnesses, domestic violence, divorce, suicide, etc. (Social and Cultural Affairs Office of Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari Governorate, 2024). In the present study, the researcher seeks to answer the following questions: What is rural women's understanding of child marriage and how do they define it? How and under what circumstances do they decide to marry as children? What feelings do they have at the time of marriage? What are the effects of this marriage on their lives?
Materials & methods
The present study investigates the understanding of rural women's experience of early marriage, using a qualitative method and a phenomenological approach. In this study, the interview tool was used to collect data. The technique used in the interview process is semi-structured interviews. In these interviews, women were mostly asked to express their experiences, attitudes, and feelings about early marriage. Their perception of love, marriage, and marital relationships before and after marriage, how their marriage occurred, their level of choice in marriage, their experience of pregnancy, childbirth, and motherhood at an early age, the impact of early marriage on continuing their education, their presence in society, their social relations, and economic issues, their experience of domestic violence, etc. were among the most important issues raised in the interview questions. The population studied in this study is all women living in the villages of the central part of Farsan County, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari Province, who are under the age of 18 and have been married for an average of 5 to 7 years. The sampling in this study is purposive sampling. The criteria for participants to enter this study are: 1- They should be willing to share their experiences about early marriage. 2- They should be married between the ages of ten and seventeen (they should be child spouses). 3- They should have been married for at least five to seven years. 4- They should be no more than 30 years old. 5- They should be from different socio-economic levels, as this can help to better understand the experiences. In this sampling method, the sample size depends on theoretical saturation. In this study, theoretical saturation was achieved after in-depth interviews with 14 child spouse women, living in the villages of Deh Cheshme, Chobin, and Bidkal, which are located in the central district of Farsan County, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari Province. Two strategies of peer feedback and member control were used to validate the study. In this study, the Colaizi method was used to analyze the data (for more information, see Cresswell, 2015:193).
Discussion & Result
The research findings are categorized into several key themes, each emphasizing specific aspects of this phenomenon: “Early marriage as forced marriage,” “Early marriage as a social value,” “Early marriage as a form of structural violence,” “Early marriage as a strategy,” “Pressure of social roles,” and “Identity challenges.” In fact, these six themes provide a snapshot of the power structures, cultural norms, and socio-economic conditions prevailing in this region, clearly demonstrating that early marriage in this region is not simply an individual event, but rather a complex manifestation of social forces. Research shows that early marriage in this region is often experienced as a forced marriage, rather than a conscious choice. Family, social, and economic pressures force girls to accept a marriage for which they are not psychologically, socially, or even physically prepared. This leads to the perpetuation of early marriage as a social value, because the family and society, instead of supporting women’s right to choose, view this phenomenon as a long-standing tradition and a positive thing. Also, since early marriage weakens women’s abilities and capacities and ignores their rights, it can be considered a form of structural violence. This violence, not only in physical form but also in a form of social suffocation, creates restrictions on women’s rights, including their right to education and mental health. Under the influence of this type of violence, women lose the ability to choose and make decisions and become powerless executors. At the same time, some rural women view early marriage as a strategy to escape poverty or improve their own and their families’ social status. They believe that in conditions of poverty and lack of access to adequate financial resources, families may consider marrying off girls as a way to reduce their economic burden and secure an uncertain future for them. This approach, by assuming that marriage can improve the family’s economic situation, accelerates the process of marriage for girls and places them in a situation where they are forced to accept roles that conflict with their true identity. Since these women are quickly defined as wives and mothers, they do not have the opportunity to identify their individual identity and fulfill their personal aspirations, which can also lead to identity crises, feelings of social exclusion, and reduced self-esteem.
Conclusion
Research shows that early marriage in this region is rooted in gender inequalities, poverty, patriarchal traditions, clan relations, and weak support structures for women. Therefore, to combat this phenomenon and prevent the problems it causes, in addition to public education and awareness-raising, it is essential to improve the economic and social status of women, create equal educational and employment opportunities, and change traditional attitudes about marriage and the role of women in society. Focusing on empowering women, protecting their rights, and creating support networks will play a key role in reducing early marriage and improving the quality of life of these women. Of course, achieving these achievements requires the cooperation and joint support of the government, non-governmental organizations, and the local community to ultimately achieve sustainable and positive changes in this area.